Weighted aggregator · probabilistic model · 2026 presidential election

Placar 2026

Analysis of the 1st- and 2nd-round votes by polling place: the comeback neighbourhood by neighbourhood in the state capitals. The count, the projection and the forecast are on the home page.
Updated
Oct 27, 2026 · votes by polling station
1st round Oct 04 · 2nd round Oct 25
Daniel Pessini Sobreira · model, data and dashboard
Analysis · Placar 2026 · the 1st- and 2nd-round votes by polling place

The comeback neighbourhood by neighbourhood in the state capitals

In the 27 state capitals, Lula's margin over Flávio went from −0.7 to +5.5 points between the two rounds. The comeback reached almost every neighbourhood, but not with the same strength. It was larger where, in the 1st round, more people had voted blank or spoiled their ballot for president, and smaller in the central neighbourhoods where the vote was already settled.

Daniel Pessini Sobreira · October 27, 2026 · TSE votes by polling station in both rounds and polling-place register

  1. 98.7%of the 36.1M voters in the capitals vote in polling places where the margin moved towards Lula.
  2. 256 × 0neighbourhoods that switched from Flávio to Lula, against none in the opposite direction, among the 2,539 with 3,000 voters or more.
  3. +3.0 to +7.8points of swing, from the polling places with the fewest to those with the most blank and spoiled ballots in the 1st round.
1 · The map

Each dot is a polling place

The results by municipality show that Lula's margin improved in almost every city. Within the capitals, where 36.1M voters cast their ballots, it is possible to go down to the neighbourhood level: on 10/26 the TSE published the result of every polling station in both rounds, and the polling-place register gives the address, the neighbourhood and the coordinates of each school. With the stations added up, there are 10,882 polling places. Choose the capital and what to colour on the map; hover over or tap a dot to see the polling place.

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2 · Blank and spoiled ballots

The swing was larger where more of the vote was up for grabs

In each capital, the polling places were split into ten groups of the same size, from the one with the fewest to the one with the most blank and spoiled votes for president in the 1st round, always relative to the capital's own average. In the tenth with the fewest blank and spoiled ballots (3.1% of voters), Lula's margin moved +3.0 points. In the tenth with the most (8.0%), it moved +7.8.

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The relationship is strong and shows up almost everywhere. Within each capital, each additional percentage point of blank and spoiled ballots in the 1st round corresponds, on average, to 0.96 more points of swing, and this variable alone explains 36% of the difference in swing between polling places (correlation of 0.60). It is positive in 26 of the 27 capitals and strongest in Belo Horizonte, Rio de Janeiro and João Pessoa (from 0.77 to 0.79). With the 1st-round margin, the third-party vote and the change in turnout in the same calculation, the effect is 1.11 points. The third-party vote barely matters, and turnout matters little.

The chart also shows where those votes went. In the polling places with the most blank and spoiled ballots, they fell from 8.0% to 4.6% of voters between the rounds. In those with the fewest, they stayed where they were (3.1% and 3.1%). It is the same pattern as in the analysis of the victory, which estimates that 65% of those who voted blank or spoiled their ballot in the 1st round voted for Lula in the 2nd. One possible explanation is the 1st-round voting machine, which asked for six votes: some of these voters left the president blank or got the number wrong and, in the 2nd round, with a single vote, made a choice.

3 · The 1st-round margin

The swing was not concentrated where Lula was already strong

If the comeback had been a matter of mobilising Lula's own electorate, it would have been larger in the most pro-Lula neighbourhoods. It was not. With the capitals' polling places split into four groups of equal electorate, from the most favourable to Flávio to the most favourable to Lula in the 1st round, the swing was +7.1 · +6.7 · +5.9 · +4.8 points. In 17 of the 27 capitals, the most pro-Lula quarter swung less than the one most favourable to Flávio.

Part of this is arithmetic: where a candidate already has 70% of the votes, the same shift of voters moves the margin less than where the race is close. To separate the two, we calculated, in each capital, the swing each polling place would have had if all of them had shifted in the same proportion (see the method). In São Paulo, for example, the swing stayed between +5.2 and +6.4 points in the four groups, close to what the proportional shift predicts. What sets one neighbourhood apart from another, within the same city, is not so much the 1st-round margin as the amount of vote that was still up for grabs.

4 · The extremes

Where the swing was largest, and where there was almost none

In most capitals, the neighbourhoods with the smallest swing are central, high-income neighbourhoods, where the vote was already settled and almost no one voted blank. In São Paulo, Santa Cecilia (−4.1), Higienopolis (−3.0) and Consolacao (−1.4). In Rio, Humaita (+0.3) and Flamengo (+0.6). In Belo Horizonte, Santo Antonio (+1.6) and Savassi (+1.7). In Brasília, Asa Norte (+1.6).

Those with the largest swing are on the edges of the cities: Vila Hebe (+12.3) and Jardim Imperador (Zona Leste) (+12.1) in São Paulo, Acari (+12.9) in Rio, Capitão Eduardo (+10.7) in Belo Horizonte and Vale do Amanhecer (+10.4) in the Federal District. In them, from 3.9% to 7.4% of voters had left the president blank or spoiled their ballot in the 1st round, against 2.0% to 3.5% in those with the smallest swing.

In all, 256 neighbourhoods switched from Flávio to Lula (2.95M voters) and none went the other way. In São Paulo there were 105, among them Vila Guarani, Saúde and Lapa; in Rio, 25, among them Praça Seca and Olaria; in Belo Horizonte, 36. The list for each capital is below the map.

What this analysis does not measure. The income and schooling of the neighbourhoods are not part of the calculations: the description "central and high-income" comes from the names on the lists, not from data. The electorate profile by polling station, which the TSE also publishes, makes it possible to test this, and it is the next step. The calculations describe polling places, not people.
5 · The 27 capitals

The swing capital by capital

Lula's margin over Flávio, in points, between the two of them only. The swing by quarter goes from the quarter of the electorate most favourable to Flávio in the 1st round to the one most favourable to Lula. The correlation measures the relationship, within the capital, between 1st-round blank and spoiled ballots and the swing of each polling place. Tap a row to see the capital on the map.

CapitalVotersMargin 1st → 2ndSwingSwing by quarter (Flávio → Lula)Blank and spoiled 1st → 2ndCorrelationNeighbourhoods that switched
São Paulo SP9.14M+5.0 → +11.0+6.0+6.2 · +6.4 · +6.1 · +5.26.5% → 4.4%0.61105 of 819
Rio de Janeiro RJ4.95M−4.3 → +3.1+7.4+8.9 · +8.8 · +7.4 · +4.55.1% → 3.4%0.7725 of 149
Brasília DF2.26M−14.8 → −8.6+6.2+7.6 · +7.2 · +6.6 · +3.63.2% → 3.4%0.737 of 59
Belo Horizonte MG1.97M−7.7 → −1.6+6.1+5.8 · +6.5 · +6.2 · +5.94.8% → 3.5%0.7936 of 184
Salvador BA1.96M+41.4 → +46.5+5.1+4.4 · +5.6 · +5.1 · +4.67.3% → 4.3%0.522 of 129
Fortaleza CE1.80M+15.2 → +20.1+4.9+4.7 · +5.2 · +5.1 · +4.64.6% → 2.9%0.501 of 103
Manaus AM1.48M−18.8 → −11.7+7.1+7.2 · +7.2 · +7.2 · +7.03.3% → 3.3%0.191 of 60
Curitiba PR1.42M−30.9 → −24.6+6.3+6.6 · +6.6 · +6.6 · +5.33.8% → 3.4%0.631 of 62
Recife PE1.22M+17.9 → +22.5+4.5+4.4 · +4.9 · +4.7 · +4.15.0% → 2.8%0.600 of 77
Porto Alegre RS1.06M+7.4 → +11.7+4.3+4.4 · +4.6 · +4.4 · +3.64.0% → 2.7%0.675 of 73
Belém PA1.05M+4.6 → +10.0+5.4+5.4 · +5.5 · +5.6 · +5.04.7% → 2.5%0.4210 of 49
Goiânia GO1.02M−31.9 → −25.3+6.6+6.9 · +6.9 · +6.9 · +5.73.1% → 3.0%0.460 of 108
São Luís MA0.75M+19.1 → +24.1+5.0+5.5 · +5.8 · +4.9 · +4.23.5% → 2.7%0.067 of 76
Maceió AL0.65M−12.1 → −4.0+8.1+7.5 · +8.2 · +7.7 · +8.75.6% → 3.0%0.638 of 39
Campo Grande MS0.64M−28.9 → −22.2+6.7+5.9 · +6.3 · +7.0 · +7.03.6% → 2.9%0.414 of 94
Teresina PI0.59M+32.2 → +36.1+3.9+4.8 · +4.1 · +3.8 · +3.14.0% → 2.8%−0.022 of 62
João Pessoa PB0.59M+0.7 → +7.5+6.8+5.9 · +7.0 · +7.8 · +6.35.2% → 3.1%0.7716 of 47
Natal RN0.57M+5.2 → +12.0+6.8+5.8 · +6.6 · +7.2 · +7.34.2% → 3.5%0.612 of 32
Cuiabá MT0.46M−25.8 → −19.2+6.6+5.6 · +6.4 · +6.9 · +7.23.1% → 2.4%0.532 of 61
Florianópolis SC0.42M−8.8 → −3.3+5.4+6.1 · +6.4 · +5.8 · +3.33.1% → 2.8%0.703 of 39
Aracaju SE0.42M+18.2 → +24.0+5.9+5.0 · +6.1 · +5.7 · +6.44.7% → 3.3%0.581 of 34
Porto Velho RO0.37M−30.3 → −23.3+7.0+6.5 · +7.2 · +7.0 · +7.22.7% → 2.3%0.490 of 46
Macapá AP0.32M−4.3 → +2.0+6.3+6.9 · +7.8 · +6.2 · +4.72.5% → 2.1%0.2711 of 34
Rio Branco AC0.27M−40.1 → −33.1+7.0+8.4 · +6.5 · +6.9 · +5.94.0% → 4.5%0.230 of 27
Vitória ES0.27M−8.6 → −3.6+5.0+5.0 · +4.2 · +5.8 · +4.93.4% → 4.0%0.556 of 29
Boa Vista RR0.24M−58.7 → −51.7+7.0+6.8 · +7.4 · +7.1 · +6.62.2% → 2.0%0.050 of 32
Palmas TO0.22M−27.2 → −20.8+6.4+6.1 · +6.6 · +6.6 · +6.62.9% → 3.7%0.281 of 15
Method, limits and data

How the numbers were calculated

Placar home page · What gave Lula the victory · Editorial and results dashboard